Free Choice under Ellipsis

Luka Crnič*

*Corresponding author for this work

Research output: Contribution to journalArticlepeer-review

9 Scopus citations

Abstract

The ellipsis of a VP whose antecedent contains an occurrence of so-called free choice any is highly constrained: it is acceptable only if the elided VP is appropriately embedded. We show that while this is unexpected on the common approaches to free choice and ellipsis, it is predicted on a theory of any that takes its domain to stand in a dependency relation with a c-commanding alternative-sensitive operator (cf. Lahiri 1998, Focus and negative polarity in Hindi. Natural Language Semantics 6(1). 57-123) and that takes free choice inferences to be generated by covert exhaustification in grammar (e.g., Fox 2007, Free choice and the theory of scalar implicatures. In Uli Sauerland & Penka Stateva (eds.), Presupposition and implicature in compositional semantics, 71-120. Palgrave Macmillan; Chierchia 2013, Logic in grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press).

Original languageAmerican English
Pages (from-to)249-294
Number of pages46
JournalLinguistic Review
Volume34
Issue number2
DOIs
StatePublished - 26 Oct 2017

Bibliographical note

Publisher Copyright:
© 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston.

Keywords

  • VP ellipsis
  • even
  • free choice
  • parallelism
  • polarity items

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